Of course, I notice some imbalances, but there is counterbalancing in the list. I also notice reward for hardwork and dedication to a political cause, just as I smell a tinge of nepotism.
I hate talking about religion in a political discourse. Sadly, religion and politics in Nigeria are like rim and tyre — they go together. But the best way to get a better understanding of the discourse is to talk about the stark reality. If religion is not relevant to Nigerian politics, perhaps the name, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, wouldn’t have been on the national spotlight.
I go with President Buhari for counterbalancing the imbalance of the nomination of a Muslim from Niger State with a Christian nominee from Plateau State. Both states have the same politico-religious blood group. Despite a good number of Muslim population in Plateau State, the governor, deputy governor, speaker, SSG — and now minister —are all Christians. In Niger too, despite a good number of Christians, the governor, deputy governor, speaker, SSG — and now minister — are all Muslims. A semblance of balance.
Personally, I am happy with the nominations of Rotimi Amaechi, Babatunde Fashola and Kayode Fayemi, Chris Ngige, etc. Bukola Saraki, too, would have made the list if he had not become senator, just as Timipre Sylva would — had he not clinched Bayelsa governorship ticket last week. With Saraki as ministerial nominee, Nigerians may perhaps not know that, at the CCT, an effeminate figure sits on the bench.
In Jigawa, Farouk Adamu Aliyu is better suited, politically, owing to his contributions to the success of the party. At a time when he had the control of the party in the state, this man deliberately refused to aspire to become a governor of Jigawa State. His reason? He wanted to devote enough time and concentration to the Buhari 2015 project.
And from my state, Kano, I am also happy with the nomination of Abdulrahman B. Dambazau, a thoroughbred soldier and academic who cut his political teeth in the Buhari school of thought in 2010. I love seeing loyalty rewarded.
For the sake of gender balance, it is important for President Buhari to add at least three more women in the subsequent list. For political stability, Amina Azzubair should come from her state of origin, Gombe, not Kaduna.
Also, the youths are obviously not represented in the list. At least two young men under the age of 40 should appear in the next list. The contributions of youths to the election of Buhari were tremendous.
But why do I love the Buhari list? Forming a cabinet without those who suffered for the party may affect the party’s electoral fortunes in future. I still want Buhari to consolidate his achievements beyond 2019 because our problems cannot be solved in four years.
But I still can’t see any justification for waiting for nearly half a year without holding a single Federal Executive Council meeting. If after waiting for four months (if you add his two months as president-elect, you’ll arrive at half a year!), the Ngiges of this world are the saints President Buhari sent to the Senate, then the nation is a colony of Old Harries.
Most of the people who appeared on the list could be selected a day after winning the election. What’s the big deal? When Jeremy Corbyn was elected leader of the British Labour Party on September 12, he formed his shadow cabinet, about 30 of them, the following day.
Human beings, we say in Hausa, are not like pots whose quality is certified by knocking. Studying human character may be difficult in four months, but certainly not studying their past records. There is nothing radiant about some of the nominees’ track records apart from their contributions to the success of their party.
Audu Ogbeh And History
Caveat: I’m not for inclusion of gerontocrats into Buhari administration. I prefer new breed to old breed. Although a mixture of the two may make a hybrid, I would go for a cabinet replete with young men.
As I once noted, that we overlooked Buhari’s age and shortcomings occasioned by age does not mean we will overlook and support crowding the government with old men. Thankfully, President Buhari didn’t do that.
Audu Ogbeh alone should not be a basis for picking holes in ministerial list because he was a minister decades ago. This is the reason I didn’t talk about the issue in my previous piece.
But the Benue-born politician is unnecessarily facing cyber persecution in order to stress a point. His crime? He struck a “coincidence”.
The wider narrative is that the late Abubakar Olusola Saraki as the Second Republic Senate Leader “screened” Audu Ogbeh. Untrue.
On the warped presentation of logic over Audu Ogbeh’s screening by the late Saraki, it is unfair to distort historical records to make a point trend. How does a Senate Leader screen a ministerial nominee? The role of a Senate Leader is leading debates on government bills and measures. If really you insist on giving credit to a single person (as against giving collective credit), then it should go to the then Senate president, Joseph Wayas, who hit the gavel that paved the way for Ogbeh’s appointment as minister of communication in 1982.
Note that the late Abubakar Olusola Saraki was a Senate Leader, not a Senate President as his son is today. If you still insist it was the late Saraki who screened Audu Ogbe, then you mean the credit for screening Buhari’s ministerial nominees should go to the current Senate Leader, Ali Ndume, not Bukola Saraki.
Even America, whose democracy Nigeria copied, mixes a cabinet with a tincture of old hands. It is not something to haggle about. Donald Rumsfeld was first appointed secretary (minister) of defence in 1975 by President Gerald Ford. And in 2001, President George Bush appointed the same Rumsfeld for the same position. Not a big deal. I would have joined them in wailing if Buhari didn’t stop at Ogbeh.
ref: http://leadership.ng/columns/465796/much-ado-about-buharis-ministerial-list
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